ANFALLSKRIG, DET VÄRSTA BROTTET
Den australisk-födde John Pilger är en känd under, som bbeljögs för sina massförinteklsevapent på Irak 2003 skriver han: med rneval der ut.kanska styrlorna, vilket tyvärr skeddesökande journalist, som i flera decennier har skrivit mycket läsvärt. Senast han förekom på svenska var i den småskriftserie som förlaget Karneval ger ut. Hans bok heter ”Strangeloveeffekten” med undertiteln ”eller hur vi duperats att acceptera ett nytt världskrig.”
Nu läser jag en lång artikel av honom. Där tar han upp vad västmakternas senaste krig har lett till. Om angreppet på Irak 2003, som beljögs för sina massförintelsevapen, skriver han efter att ha påmint om vad domstolen i Nürnberg mot de ledande nazisterna fatslog.
”Att lnleda ett anfallskrig är inte bara ett internationellt brott, det är det värsta internationella brottet, som skiljer sig från andra krigsbrott genom att det leder till alla andra förbrytelser”
Och han fortsätter:
”Had the United States and its satellites not initiated their war of aggression in Iraq in 2003, almost a million people would be alive today; and Islamic State, or ISIS, would not have us in thrall to its savagery.”
”KATASTROFEN” I LIBYEN
Insatsen mot Libyen 2011 kallar Pilger för en ”katastrof”. (Där var Sverige också med på ett hörn). Han skriver:
”In 2011, Nato launched 9,700 "strike sorties" against Libya, of which more than a third were aimed at civilian targets. Uranium warheads were used; the cities of Misurata and Sirte were carpet-bombed. The Red Cross identified mass graves, and Unicef reported that "most [of the children killed] were under the age of ten".
The public sodomising of the Libyan president Muammar Gaddafi with a "rebel" bayonet was greeted by the then US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, with the words: "We came, we saw, he died." His murder, like the destruction of his country, was justified with a familiar big lie; he was planning "genocide" against his own people. "We knew... that if we waited one more day," said President Obama, "Benghazi, a city the size of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the world."
Om det laglösa kaos i Libyen som blev följden av Libyenkriget säger Pilger inte mycket, mer än att han tar upp de kristna koptiska gästarbetarna, som mördades av ISIS. Skälet till Natos ingripande var ekonomiskt, påstår han:
”For Obama, Cameron and Hollande, Gaddafi's true crime was Libya's economic independence and his declared intention to stop selling Africa's greatest oil reserves in US dollars. The petrodollar is a pillar of American imperial power. Gaddafi audaciously planned to underwrite a common African currency backed by gold, establish an all-Africa bank and promote economic union among poor countries with prized resources. Whether or not this would happen, the very notion was intolerable to the US as it prepared to "enter" Africa and bribe African governments with military ¨partnership’ ".
Om Jugoslaviens sönderfall och Nato-angreppet 1999 skriver Pilger:
”In 1999, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair sent Nato to bomb Serbia, because, they lied, the Serbs were committing "genocide" against ethnic Albanians in the secessionist province of Kosovo. David Scheffer, US ambassador-at-large for war crimes [sic], claimed that as many as "225,000 ethnic Albanian men aged between 14 and 59" might have been murdered. Both Clinton and Blair evoked the Holocaust and "the spirit of the Second World War". The West's heroic allies were the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), whose criminal record was set aside. The British Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, told them to call him any time on his mobile phone.
With the Nato bombing over, and much of Serbia's infrastructure in ruins, along with schools, hospitals, monasteries and the national TV station, international forensic teams descended upon Kosovo to exhume evidence of the "holocaust". The FBI failed to find a single mass grave and went home. The Spanish forensic team did the same, its leader angrily denouncing "a semantic pirouette by the war propaganda machines". A year later, a United Nations tribunal on Yugoslavia announced the final count of the dead in Kosovo: 2,788. This included combatants on both sides and Serbs and Roma murdered by the KLA. There was no genocide. The "holocaust" was a lie. The Nato attack had been fraudulent.”
Västs försyndelser på 60- 70- och 80-talen mot afghanerna skildrar Pilger så här:
”In the 1960s, a popular revolution swept Afghanistan, the poorest country on earth, eventually overthrowing the vestiges of the aristocratic regime in 1978. The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) formed a government and declared a reform programme that included the abolition of feudalism, freedom for all religions, equal rights for women and social justice for the ethnic minorities. More than 13,000 political prisoners were freed and police files publicly burned.
The new government introduced free medical care for the poorest; peonage was abolished, a mass literacy programme was launched. For women, the gains were unheard of. By the late 1980s, half the university students were women, and women made up almost half of Afghanistan's doctors, a third of civil servants and the majority of teachers. "Every girl," recalled Saira Noorani, a female surgeon, "could go to high school and university. We could go where we wanted and wear what we liked. We used to go to cafes and the cinema to see the latest Indian film on a Friday and listen to the latest music. It all started to go wrong when the mujaheddin started winning. They used to kill teachers and burn schools. We were terrified. It was funny and sad to think these were the people the West supported."
The PDPA government was backed by the Soviet Union, even though, as former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance later admitted, "there was no evidence of any Soviet complicity [in the revolution]". Alarmed by the growing confidence of liberation movements throughout the world, Brzezinski decided that if Afghanistan was to succeed under the PDPA, its independence and progress would offer the "threat of a promising example".
On July 3, 1979, the White House secretly authorised support for tribal "fundamentalist" groups known as the mujaheddin, a program that grew to over $500 million a year in U.S. arms and other assistance. The aim was the overthrow of Afghanistan's first secular, reformist government. In August 1979, the US embassy in Kabul reported that "the United States' larger interests... would be served by the demise of [the PDPA government], despite whatever setbacks this might mean for future social and economic reforms reforms in Afghanistan." The italics are mine.”
Intensiteten i smädekampanjen mot Ryssland och porträttet av dess president som en skurk, säger Pilger, liknar inte något jag har har upplevt som reporter. Om Ukraina hänvisar han till Robert Parry, en av USA:s mest undersökande journalister, som avslöjade Iran-Contra-skandalen:
"No European government, since Adolf Hitler's Germany, has seen fit to dispatch Nazi storm troopers to wage war on a domestic population, but the Kiev regime has and has done so knowingly. Yet across the West's media/political spectrum, there has been a studious effort to cover up this reality even to the point of ignoring facts that have been well established... If you wonder how the world could stumble into world war three - much as it did into world war one a century ago - all you need to do is look at the madness over Ukraine that has proved impervious to facts or reason."
På svenska finns en liten bok av Rober Parry i Karnevals förlags småskriftserie. Den heter ”Bakom kulisserna i Kiev” och har undertiteln ”Om hur amerikansk nykonservatism och ukrainsk nynazism drev fram en kupp och ett krig i Ukraina”. Den kostar bara 50 kr.